Sexual Violence Against Female College Students in the United States
By Lauren Wolters and Macy Smith
Published Spring 2020
Special thanks to Macy Smith for editing and research contributions
+ Summary
Sexual violence against female college students is a prevelant and deep-rooted issue across universities in the US. Despite an increase in attention from the federal government, it is predicted that 1 in 4 women will experience sexual violence as undergeradute students. A pattern of university negligence surrounding cases of sexual violence suggests that universities prioritize securing funding and protecting perpetrators over aiding victims and preventing sexual assault. Several other factors contribute to the occurence of sexual violence including dangerous fraternity traditions, extensive alcohol and drug use among college students, and vast normalization of sexual violence—but the only true cause of sexual violence is perpetrators themselves. Survivors of sexual violence can experience a range of short-term and long-term mental and physical health issues that can affect their academic performance and ability to form and maintain relationships. A range of organizations have attempted to prevent instances of campus sexual violence or address the consequences of them by empowering female students, promoting healthy masculinity, creating bystander education programs, increasing school safety, pressuring universities to reform sexual violence policies, and providing resources to victims.
+ Key Takeaways
- Sexual violence on campus is still an issue that affects as many as 1 in 4 female undergraduate students.
- Cases of sexual violence are vastly underreported.
- Although some conditions can increase the likelihood of an assault happening, perpetrators themselves are the only true cause of sexual violence.
- The majority of cases of sexual violence are mishandled by universities as they choose to prioritize image, funding, or protection of the perpetrator over helping the victim or decreasing the prevalence of sexual violence.
- Victims of sexual violence can struggle with resulting mental health issues for the rest of their lives.
- An ideal solution to the issue must involve prevention through education of possible victims and perpetrators as well as bystanders, in addition to resources to help victims with reporting and recovery.
+ Key Terms
Sexual Violence—Any sexual acts, attempts to obtain sexual acts, or unwanted sexual comments or advances against a person’s sexuality using coercion, by any person regardless of their relationship to the victim, in any setting.1
Sexual Assault—Illegal sexual contact forced upon a person who does not consent, who is not capable of giving consent, or who places the assailant (such as a medical professional) in a position of trust or authority.2
Rape—Forced sexual intercourse (involving penetration of the vagina by the penis in the case of heterosexual intercourse) carried out without the person’s consent.3
Sexual Harassment—Unwanted and inappropriate sexual comments or physical advances.4
Title IX—A federal civil rights law passed as part of the Education Amendments of 1972, which protects from discrimination based on sex in education programs or activities that receive federal financial assistance; it also provides protections for victims of campus rape and sexual assault.5
Date Rape (Aquaintance Rape)—Unwanted sexual activity forced or coerced by a friend, date, or peer through violence or threat of violence, verbal pressure, misuse of authority, or use of an incapacitating substance.6
Sexual coercion—Pressuring, tricking, threatening, or forcing a victim into unwanted sexual activity in a nonphysical way.7
Hypermasculinity—A psychological term for the exaggeration of male stereotypical behavior, such as an emphasis on physical strength, aggression, or sexuality; a concept of masculinity in which violence is considered “manly” and the “sexual conquest” of women is natural and desired.8
Rape Myths—Prejudicial, stereotyped, or false beliefs about rape, rape victims, or rapists. This set of attitudes and beliefs “may contribute to ongoing sexual violence by shifting blame for sexual assault from perpetrators to victims.”9
Adjudication—The legal process of resolving a dispute.10 This process is required by Title IX, obligating universities to conduct an internal review of sexual assault cases and provide a hearing, as well as issue appropriate punishment.11
Zero-Tolerance Policy—In the context of sexual violence, a university implements a zero-tolerance policy to strictly prohibit all forms of unlawful harassment (including sexual harassment and sexual assault), discrimination, or retaliation in any form. Anyone who violates this policy is subject to appropriate disciplinary action, up to and including immediate termination or dismissal.12
Context
Despite increased public, university, and governmental awareness, the prevalence of sexual violence on college campuses across the United States has changed little, if any, in the past 50 years.13 The collegiate environment fosters an atmosphere of individual freedom, personal growth, and even sexual exploration exempt from parental oversight,14 but all too often students abuse this freedom to perpetrate sexual assault. Sexual assault encapsulates many types of sexual victimization, with unwanted sexual contact and coercion (i.e. kissing or fondling) being the most common among college students, followed by incapacitated rape and then forcible rape.15,16 In this brief, sexual violence will be used interchangeably with sexual assault and sexual coercion to capture the broad scope of sexual violence at universities.
The data available on sexual assault as a whole suggests that women ages 18 to 24 are 3 times more likely to experience sexual violence than women of any other age group.17 Because approximately 90% of students at public universities and 87% of students at private nonprofit institutions were under 25 in 2017,18 and women make up the majority of all students (57%),19 this rate is significant in examining the prevalence of sexual assault on college campuses.20 In the 2019 Campus Climate Survey on Sexual Assault and Misconduct, it was found that 1 in 4 women reported having experienced some sort of sexual assault or misconduct while they were pursuing their undergraduate degrees.21 Although reports issued by the US Department of Justice suggest non-students of this age group are 1.2% more likely to experience sexual violence than those attending college, this data may be skewed due to the prevalence of underreporting that occurs on college campuses. Between the years of 1995 and 2007, approximately 32% of sexual assaults towards non-students were reported to police, whereas only approximately 20% of sexual assaults towards students were reported to the police.22 Although it is presumed that even these rates are skewed by underreporting, the high level of underreporting by students combined with high rates of assault on campuses gives reason to fear for the safety of this demographic of women.
While sexual assault occurs across all demographics and in a variety of situations, certain female college students in specific situations are at a greater risk of victimization. Multiracial, American Indian, Alaska Native, and Black women reported higher rates of rape and other sexual violence than white or hispanic women in 2014, and although these rates refer to the larger US population, rates among American college students are likely similar.23 More specifically, female students who have experienced sexual assault prior to college are at greater risk for victimization while in college. This population is victimized at a rate of approximately 40.6%.24 Among college students, freshman and sophomore women are at the highest risk, with the first few months of the school year being the most dangerous. The majority of sexual assaults take place in off-campus settings, with a significant number occuring at parties—especially fraternity parties.25 In addition, more than half of assaults take place on the weekends, most commonly between midnight and 6 a.m.26
It is critical to acknowledge that, despite popular belief, perpetrators are not usually strangers to their victims.27 In 2008, it was estimated that 85%–90% of sexual assaults reported by college women were perpetrated by someone they knew, with half of the assaults occurring while on a date.28 In fact, one study found that boyfriends were the number one perpetrator, committing over 41% of the assaults against the female college-student respondents, followed by friends (29.7%) and then acquaintances (21.1%). Only 2% of assaults were committed by complete strangers.29 Additionally, these offenders are often repeat or serial perpetrators. One study concluded that 68% of original offenders engaged in repeated sexual coercion and assault during their college experience. Twenty-six percent of repeat perpetrators reported committing an offense of higher severity than their first offense.30 Understanding the nature and identity of perpetrators is vital in identifying dangerous behaviors for the prevention of future assault.
History of Sexual Assault on College Campuses
Although sexual violence against women on US college campuses has likely been prevalent since women were permitted to attend university in 1803,31 major studies investigating sexual violence on university campuses were not published until the 1950s. Although these studies brought the issue to the attention of the general public over 60 years ago, sexual violence remains a signifcant issue on campuses across the United States due to a variety of deep-rooted causes that have proven difficult for university administration or government policy to fully address.32,33 According to the National Center for Education Statistics, reports of forced sexual offenses across all universities increased from 2,200 in 2001 to 10,400 in 2017, a 372% increase.34 This increase may suggest rising rates of sexual offense, or it may be attributed—at least partially—to an increase in reporting due to greater awareness and resources on campuses.
Awareness of sexual violence at universities has increased in recent years and more standards and protections are currently in place to support victims. One of these protections is Title IX of the Education Amendments Act of 1972, a federal law that protects students from discrimination on the basis of sex by any college that recieves federal funding. This discrimination includes "sexual harassment or sexual violence, such as rape, sexual assault, sexual battery, and sexual coercion."35 To remedy hostile learning environments, the US government has created standard protocol for universities to use when handling cases of sexual violence against students, requiring schools to instate a Title IX coordinator and to make known the procedures for reporting.36 In addition, the Jeanne Clery Disclosure of Campus Security Policy and Campus Crime Statistics Act (Clery Act) of 1986 mandates university disclosure of on-campus crime—including cases of sexual violence—and preventative policy measures.37 Although Title IX and the Clery Act were steps in the right direction, there is still much to do to protect students and ensure justice for victims.
It is important to acknowledge underreporting as an issue that both skews numbers of assault and plays a large part in the culture of sexual violence on campuses specifically. From 2005 to 2010, approximately 64% of sexual assault survivors did not report their assault, and 20% of those refrained from reporting specifically due to fear of retaliation.38 Though underreporting is a concern for all demographics, it is an increasingly significant problem on college campuses, where victims are actively discouraged from reporting and subsequently accessing federally-mandated university resources and aid.39
Additionally, though this brief focuses on sexual violence and its effects on women, many other demographics are also affected by sexual violence at high rates. In 2015, approximately 5.4% of male students reported experiencing sexual assault or rape in their undergraduate years, and research also indicates that members of the LGBTQ+ community are assaulted at significantly higher rates than their cisgender or heterosexual peers.40 The sexual assault and violence against these other demographics is deserving of its own brief; however, in order to adequately present a complete analysis of sexual violence against female college students, this brief will focus on analyzing the causes and consequences of sexual violence based on data gathered from studies about cisgender females and students who identified as female.
Contributing Factors
Although many factors can contribute to a situation that results in sexual violence or can influence individuals to think that sexual violence is acceptable, these factors do not excuse perpetrators from taking responsibility for their actions. None of the contributing factors listed below directly cause sexual violence. The only direct cause of sexual violence is sexual predators themselves.
Weak Enforcement of Sexual Violence Policies
Mishandling Cases
Universities often mishandle sexual assault cases and fail to uphold zero-tolerance policies, perpetuating an environment of fear on their campuses. A 2014 survey found that more than 40% of the national sample of universities had not conducted a single investigation of sexual assault in the last 5 years.41 Whether their reports of assault led to investigation or not, few student survivors feel that they received adequate help from their universities. In 2013, one study reported that 46% of the students who experienced unwanted sexual contact in the sample also experienced institutional betrayal—their universities minimized the assault, failed to take proactive steps, made it difficult to report, covered up the experience, or punished the victims.42 Institutional betrayal and inaction can devalue students’ traumatic experiences and discourage reporting, simultaneously allowing perpetrators to go free without disciplinary action.43
One example of this institutional betrayal occurred at Baylor University when a female rape victim was not asked by the university doctor during her HIV testing if she had reported the crime. Afterwards, a Baylor lawyer told her to focus on her work and keep quiet, and a professor encouraged her to "keep [her] personal life separate from [her] schooling and professional life."44 When universities do not actively respond to reports of sexual assault, as in this example and the other 417 untouched cases of sexual violence at Baylor University that were uncovered in 2015 and 2016, universities fail to protect their students and safeguard against future assault.
Lenient Punishments
In addition to the prevalence of mishandled cases, universities and legal authorities often give considerably lenient sentences to perpetrators and even exempt some from any form of punishment. Estimates show that less than 5 out every 1,000 alleged rapists will end up in prison.45 Another study found that only 0.6% of the sexual assault perpertrators and 0.8% of the incapacitated sexual assault perpetrators who had been reported to administration received disciplinary action from the university they were attending.46 Punishment by campus administration is usually less severe than punishment in courts of law,47 but inadequate punishment is prevalent in both cases. University punishments may range from a warning to expulsion,48 with universities usually opting to avoid expelling perpetrators.49 For example, although 259 sexual assaults were reported at Stanford University between 1996 and 2013, only one student was expelled.50
The case of Brock Turner is a critical example of the limited punishments imposed upon perpetrators of sexual violence. Although this Stanford student’s case involved criminal justice adjudication, the attitudes expressed in the court ruling as well as Turner’s limited sentence are as common and problematic in university adjudication. Turner faced up to 14 years in prison for 3 accounts of sexual offense felonies. However, the defense portrayed Turner as a star swimmer with a promising future, leading the judge to reject the prosecutor’s sentencing recommendation of 6 years in prison, grant Turner probation instead, and sentence him to a total of 6 months in county jail. Brock Turner was released early for "good behavior" and ended up serving a total of only 3 months.51 Unfortunately, Turner’s case is not a unique one, and it exemplifies the phenomenon coined the "care gap" that involves courts, prosecutors, judges, and bystanders sympathizing with accused men, particularly privileged men, rather than female victims.52 When perpetrators are not punished appropriately, it further discourages victims from reporting their assault and does nothing to deter men from committing other acts of sexual violence.
Prioritizing Image and Funding
Under Title IX, universities only qualify for federal funding if they investigate and accurately report sexual violence in their campus communities,53 but reporting high numbers of sexual violence cases can also deter students from attending, thereby decreasing profits. Therefore, universities often utilize a common loophole to skew reports of sexual violence, preserving funding and reputation at the expense of victimzed students. One study regarding this loophole found that universities’ reports of sexual violence increased by 44% during federal audits but decreased after the audits had concluded.54 Universities increase reporting during audits to appear responsive to sexual assault and ensure that they receive federal funding, but they then underreport after audits to preserve their image and ensure student attendance and outside donations.
Universities often fail to report sexual assault in order to protect their image and ensure continued monetary gain through tuition. Although statistical and anecdotal evidence confirms that campus sexual assault is prevalent, 89% of 11,000 colleges and universities reported 0 rapes in 2016.55 Universities may be hesitant to report accurate numbers of sexual assault because increased scandal and accounts of sexual violence may jeopardize the continual inflow of students, tuition, and donor contributions. In fact, one study found that universities that had scandals with high-level media coverage saw a 10% decrease in applications; additionally, the study concluded that this impact could last for 2 years.56 Universities may view this decrease in student attendance as a financial risk, leading to a justification of underreporting cases and betraying victims, which further perpetuates the occurrence of sexual violence.57
Universities are especially guilty of this prioritization of funding when the perpetrators of sexual violence are college athletes. Because college athletics is a multi-million dollar industry,58,59 universities give unequal protection to their student athletes which can come at a cost for victims of sexual assault. Contracts to televise athletics provide major publicity for universities, which can increase alumni contributions and attract prospective students.60 The punishment and potential removal of student athletes who have committed sexual violence may pose a threat to athletic revenue and lead universities to protect these perpetrators. For example, Florida State University allowed Jameis Winston—a star quarterback on the football team accused of rape in 2012—to continue to play a full season before looking into the case, even though they had been aware of the evidence against him since before the beginning of the season.61 This suggests that Florida State prioritized the revenue generated by Winston’s fame and the team’s success over protecting the student who had been raped.62 In 2014, student athletes at 35 schools, making up less than 3% of the total student population, had committed 9% of all instances of sexual assault.63 Another sample study found that athletes are 77% more likely to report engaging in sexual coercion compared with non-athletes.64 Despite these high rates, punishments for athletes are limited. One study found that athletes are 20% less likely to be arrested for sexual assault and that out of the 217 criminal complaints of sexual violence studied, only 31% of athlete perpetrators were arrested.65 Although this study was published in 1997, it is the most recent study available on this topic; one leading expert on sexual violence prosecution says she has "no reason to believe much has changed" since then.66 By shielding student athletes from consequences that could threaten their athletic participation in order to protect the revenue they generate, universities perpetuate the occurrence of sexual violence.
In addition to athletes, members of fraternities are often protected by universities because of the money they bring into the school. Greek organizations host many events for alumni members to connect them to the university and encourage donations.67 Fraternity and sorority alumni donations account for approximately 75% of all donations given to their universities.68,69 Although fraternity members are the perpetrators of rape almost 3 times as often as their non-member counterparts,70 universities have an incentive to cover up these cases and remain in good standing with the Greek organizations because it allows them to continue to receive large donations from fraternity alumni.71
Greek Life
The culture and traditions within fraternity houses foster an environment of hypermasculinity and aggression that is dangerous to female students and contributes to the high prevalence of sexual violence on college campuses. Aggressive tendencies and acceptance of sexual violence are expected among fraternity members due to a more salient endorsement of traditional masculine norms, pressure to support those norms, and a greater likelihood to objectify women.72 In fact, studies show that students involved in Greek life, particularly male fraternity members, exhibit a greater acceptance of rape myth.73 These attitudes are exacerbated by the peer approval of forced sex and peer pressure to have sex that are positively correlated with fraternity membership.74 In addition, research suggests that fraternities attract men who drink more than other male students; further, higher alcohol consumption is linked with higher perpetration of sexual violence, thus increasing the likelihood of perpetration by fraternity members.75 Because of these factors, over half of the rape cases analyzed in one study either occurred during a fraternity function or were perpetrated by a fraternity member.76
Fraternities are infamous for hosting parties that can create a threatening environment for female students. Fraternity members manufacture every element of parties—including gendered themes (e.g. "Playboy Mansion" or "CEO and Secretary Ho"), transportation, admission, alcohol distribution, and movement of guests—often in order to increase their chances of having sex.77 Alcohol is not allowed on sorority property or at their sponsored events,78 so, if sorority members or underage students do want to drink, they have to go to fraternity parties. Qualitative data illustrates that fraternity members "continually fed [girls] alcohol" and purposely blocked doors and controlled transportation during parties to stop women from escaping sexual situations.79 After plying women with alcohol and targeting intoxicated women in these male-controlled settings, men can exploit women’s vulnerability and commit party rape or other forms of sexual assault.80 Sexual assault at fraternity houses is so prevalent that there are some fraternities that have a specific reputation for violence against women, such as Sigma Alpha Epsilon (SAE). This fraternity has faced a number of lawsuits and suspensions from universities and is so notorious as a site of sexual violence that many students say its name stands for "Sexual Assault Expected."81
Substance Use
Substance use can disrupt cognitive processes and alter behavior, increasing the likelihood of sexual assault perpetration. At least 50% of sexual assaults among college students occurred when the perpetrator or the victim (or both) had consumed alcoholic beverages.82 Because intoxication can alter perception and impair decision-making,83 perpetrators are more likely to misperceive sexual desire and consent.84 Moreover, intoxicated perpetrators are more likely to justify aggression because cues that inhibit aggressive behavior (e.g. concern for the victim or fear of future consequences) are usually less salient than feelings of anger, frustration, or sexual arousal.85,86 For these reasons, perpetrators may use their intoxication to justify sexual assault and to claim they are not "real" criminals.87 It has also been hypothesized that in some cases the desire to commit sexual assault may actually prompt the consumption of alcohol for the purpose of justifying one’s behavior.88
Alcohol and other substances are common tools used by predatory men due to the very cognitive and behavioral effects discussed above.89 Drug-facilitated rape occurs when a perpetrator either takes advantage of a victim’s voluntary use of drugs or alcohol or forces a victim to consume drugs or alcohol with or without their knowledge.90 One study reported that drug-related assault occurred 5 times more frequently than forcible assault, with voluntary consumption of alcohol being the most common scenario. In fact, of the respondents who had experienced drug-related sexual violence, 96.1% had consumed alcohol before the assault, 37.7% had used marijuana, 9.1% had consumed the common date-rape drug Rohypnol (Rophy or Roofies), and 3.9% had consumed gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB or Everclear), another common date-rape drug.91,92 Perpetrators frequently weaponize drugs and alcohol to incapacitate a victim or take advantage of those who are unable to consent or defend themselves while under the influence. Although drug and alcohol consumption by the victim increases the likelihood of sexual assault, the victim is never at fault for the assault because of their choice to use drugs or alcohol or to be in risky circumstances.93
Normalization of Sexual Assault
Greek life, substance use, and the weak enforcement of policies would not play as significant of a role in perpetuating sexual violence if it were not for the societal normalization of sexual assault. Despite many recent movements and campaigns bringing more attention to the widespread nature of sexual violence,94,95 the occurrence of sexual assault is far more normalized than it should be. This is partially due to the frequency of sexual misconduct, rape, and other forms of sexual violence. These violent acts are often seen as inevitable or a normal part of life—especially college life.96 The normalization of sexual violence can also be attributed to the way assault is made the light-hearted topic of movie plots and popular songs, or even the way it is discussed colloquially in a joking manner97 (see Additional Resources for examples like the movie Superbad and the song "Blurred Lines"). This perpetuates underreporting and does nothing to slow the occurrence of sexual violence, because many victims do not realize they are victims, and many perpetrators do not realize they are perpetrators.98 Instead, young men and women come to view dominance and aggression as a normal aspect of male sexuality and submissiveness and passivity as a part of female sexuality.99 Thus, victims do not want to "make a big deal" out of sexually violent experiences by reporting them, claiming that "it just happens" or "they’re boys—that’s what they do."100 Further, a study of Canadian university students found that perpetrators will often use specific language when discussing their sexually violent acts to help "position themselves and their sexual violence as normal and expected."101
One example of the extent to which sexual assault has become normalized in our society is the vast number of prominent political and public figures who have been accused of sexual violence without it having much effect on their careers or popularity.102,103 When adolescent and young adult men see the perpetration of sexual assault or harassment by respected public figures without any repercussions, this further normalizes sexual violence and does nothing to discourage them from acting in sexually aggressive ways.104 The media has also played a substantial role in this normalization by frequently downplaying the severity of sexual violence—or even romanticizing it105 (see the description of the movie 365 Days in Additional Resources). Increased media exposure to sexual content has been directly linked to both female and male undergraduate students’ belief that "sexual relationships are recreationally oriented, that men are sex-driven, and that women are sexual objects."106 Another study demonstrated that, after viewing TV depictions of objectified women, male participants demonstrated a higher tendency to engage in sexual coercion.107 While American society remains filled with examples of sexual perpetrators who go unpunished or media depictions of romanticized or downplayed sexual violence, many men and women will remain accepting of and desensitized to sexual violence.
Consequences
Data concerning the consequences of sexual assault specifically among university students is minimal, especially in relation to resulting health issues. This section utilizes data related to sexual assault across all age groups, but since women of university age (18–24) experience sexual violence at a high rate, we can infer that college student victims specifically are experiencing or are at high risk for experiencing these consequences.
Physical Health Issues
Victims of sexual violence often face serious injuries immediately following the incident—including bleeding from the vagina or anus, soreness, bruising, and even broken bones108—but they can also struggle with long-term health consequences for the rest of their lives. Of female rape victims, 31.5% are physically injured during the offense, but only 35.6% of those receive medical care.109 In a study of 102 rape survivors, victims were given a list of 35 physical health symptoms, which included gastrointestinal, cardiovascular, genitourinary, musculoskeletal, and neurological issues.110 This study found that over 39% of the victims experienced more than 20 of these symptoms at least monthly after the rape. Common health issues in the sample included stomach pain (62%), indigestion (61%), constipation (55%), migraine headaches (46%), and nausea or vomiting (51%).111
Women who are rape victims are also at risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections (STIs) or being impregnated by their rapist. Although it is difficult for researchers to attribute the presence of an STI in a rape victim to the rape itself, several studies have found that about 32% of rape victims contract an STI.112,113 Additionally, with a sample of over 400 rape victims aged 18 years and older, one study found that rape victims were twice as likely to become pregnant from the incident than women who engaged in consensual, unprotected intercourse.114 From 2010 to 2012, a national survey found that almost 2.9 million American women (2.4% of the entire female population) reported becoming pregnant as a result of rape in their lifetime.115 Being a victim of rape-related pregnancy can be very detrimental to female college students who may have to delay or forego graduation to care for their child, or who may suffer from debilitating psychological and emotional consequences of the rape-related pregnancy.116
Mental Health Issues
Psychological Disorders
Survivors of sexual assault experience a myriad of both short- and long-term psychological disorders that may go unaddressed if the victims do not seek professional help. More than 25% of women who experienced sexual assault in their first semester of college reported clinically significant levels of depression and anxiety by the end of that semester.117 In addition, 94% of rape victims experience symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) within the first 2 weeks of their assault, and 47% report PTSD symptoms 9 months after their assault.118 Moreover, women who were raped are 2 to 4 times more likely to be diagnosed with chronic PTSD and depression.119 A survey by the Association of American Universities found that 92% of female students who were raped reported at least one type of behavioral or emotional consequence, including feelings of hopelessness, fear, and numbness; loss of interest in daily activities; withdrawal from interactions with friends; and trouble sleeping.120 Although almost all student rape victims experience traumatic consequences from their assault, less than a third of the students seek help from a program or resource designed to help victims of sexual violence.121 Without this aid, the emotional and mental toll may have a prolonged effect and more serious conditions may go unaddressed.
Eating Disorders
Sexual assault victims also tend to struggle with body dysmorphia, sudden weight changes, and symptoms of anorexia.122 A study that involved over 300 undergraduate women who had been sexually assaulted found that 42.5% of participants exhibited clinical levels of bulimic behaviors, and 36.5% of participants exhibited clinical levels of body dissatisfaction.123 The study also found a significant, direct effect between trauma symptoms and eating disorders, demonstrating why experiencing sexual violence may lead to these disorders. Given that over 13% of female undergraduate students suffer from eating disorders,124 (as compared to 4.64% of all adults in the United States)125 experiencing sexual assault increases the risk of eating disorder development for an already vulnerable group.
Substance Abuse
Students who experience sexual violence are also more prone to use drugs and alcohol as a coping mechanism. Although substance abuse causes physical health issues, it is classified as a mental illness because its causes and symptoms are related to psychological behavior and, in the case of sexual violence, result from the trauma of the assault.126 One 2007 study found that 40% of rape victims reported alcohol and drug abuse compared to 17% of non-victims.127 This pattern suggests that victims of sexual assault are also more likely to struggle with health issues that are associated with drug abuse.128 These health issues can include short-term consequences such as heart attacks, psychosis, or overdose, as well as long term consequences like cancer, hepatitis, or addiction.129 Moreover, victims of sexual violence are far more likely to use problem-drinking as a maladaptive coping mechanism.130 A study of undergraduate victims of sexual assault found that 36% of female victims engaged in binge-drinking.131 This can result in alcoholism, which can have long-lasting detrimental health effects.
Suicidal Tendencies
Individuals who endure sexual violence are more likely to have suicidal ideation and tendencies due to the trauma they have suffered. In fact, 33% of women who are raped have suicidal thoughts and 13% of them attempt suicide.132 Victims of sexual violence experience trauma that can be exacerbated if they are not believed when they report the incident or if they are shunned by family and friends as a result. Trauma from assault can also add to or worsen preexisting mental health problems, potentially leading to suicide.
Lower Academic Performance
Due to the trauma of sexual violence, many victims also suffer academically or ultimately drop out of school. Of victims who were raped in their first semester in college, 14.3% ended the semester with a GPA below 2.5,133 compared to an overall average first semester GPA of 3.23.134 Victims of sexual violence can experience cognitive impairment after the incident, resulting in difficulty concentrating, staying organized, and remembering information.135 Depression or anxiety triggered by the incident can also lower the amount of energy the victim can apply to their studies.136 One study of over 6,000 undergraduate students found that rape victims reported lower academic efficacy, higher academic-related stress, less commitment to staying in college, and less diligence in meeting academic responsibilities than their peers who had not experienced non-consensual intercourse.137 Moreover, according to one 2015 study, while the overall drop-out rate for colleges is approximately 24.3%, the drop-out rate for victims of sexual assault is approximately 34.1%.138 This may be attributed to an increased difficulty in coping after undergoing the severe trauma of sexual assault,139 resulting depression or anxiety,140 a decrease in confidence, or a desire to physically distance oneself from the perpetrator.141 Dropping out of college can have many adverse consequences that follow students for the rest of their lives, including limited career options, lower earning potential, subsequent financial burden, and potential familial conflict.142
Decreased Ability to Form and Maintain Relationships
Many victims of sexual violence have difficulty maintaining healthy relationships after being raped or assaulted. In a survey of female college students, it was found that 84% of rape victims knew their rapist and that over half of the cases had been instances of date rape.143 This could cause sexual assault victims to be wary of forming new relationships because of increased difficulty trusting others or feeling secure around friends and acquaintances. Thus, emotional and sexual intimacy may seem dangerous for victims of sexual violence even if the relationship is healthy and safe.144 Trauma-related PTSD and other mental health concerns may influence a victim’s ability to trust, adding additional strain on relationships—especially romantic or sexual relationships.145
Victims of sexual violence also often experience strained relationships with family and friends as they try to recover from the incident. In the weeks and months following an assault, victims often suffer from unexpected anger, detachment, or anxiety in intimate, familial, and friend relationships. Symptoms of PTSD after experiencing sexual violence include social isolation, emotional numbness, and loss of interest in social activities—all of which place added stress on these existing relationships.146 Greater irritability, heightened apprehension, and inability to relax in social settings exacerbate these situations for victims. Sometimes family and friends have a hard time understanding why it takes so long for a victim to heal, and they pressure them to recover too quickly.147 Anger, anxiety, confusion, disbelief, guilt, and sadness can influence their support and response, alienating survivors.148 Negative responses from family and friends can make survivors doubt the validity of their sexual assault, avoid future disclosure and subsequent aid, and engage in self-blame.149 Moreover, this lack of support is positively linked with further PTSD symptoms for victims of sexual assault.150
Practices
Empowering Female Students
Empowerment-based interventions aim to reduce the risk of sexual violence for female students by teaching them skills to defend themselves.151 Classes and trainings help female students identify circumstantial risk factors, recognize the different types of sexual violence, and practice techniques to limit harm during the assault.152 One non-profit organization called the Sexual Assault Resistance Education Centre (SARECentre) implements these empowerment-based principles in their program called Enhanced Assess, Acknowledge, Act (EAAA), or Flip the Script™. In a free 12-hour interactive training, female students learn to identify situations that may become coercive and dangerous.153 They practice self-defense in interactive scenarios, focusing on verbal and physical ways to set sexual boundaries. This training empowers female students to know that even if their attacker is physically larger, they have the skills, knowledge, and confidence necessary to protect themselves.154 To avoid self-blame in the case that sexual assault does occur, Flip the Script™ also stresses that students prioritize their own sexual desires and rights.155 With these comprehensive and interactive trainings, Flip the Script™ and other comparable programs empower female students to confidently defend themselves and their sexual desires.
Impact
Although the SARECentre has only implemented the Flip the Script™ program at 3 US colleges as of 2020, students at these universities expressed that they were more aware of everyday signals that could lead to dangerous situations and more confident in their ability to physically react to threats.156 A Randomized Control Trial (RCT) was conducted with over 800 female undergraduates who were enrolled in Flip the Script™.157 The study found that there were significant increases in participants' self-defense efficacy, knowledge of effective resistance strategies, and perception of personal risk. Female students who participated in the program also had decreased levels of rape myth acceptance and showed less internalized victim-blaming. The RCT also showed that the program reduced the risk of rape and sexual assault by up to 64%. The study concluded that universities can reduce both the occurrence and the negative consequences of sexual assault by implementing Flip the Script™.158
Gaps
In light of the limited but positive nature of the provided data from SARECentre, there are several issues to be considered in evaluating the organization’s impact. Because SARECenter identifies only 3 US colleges that have implemented Flip the Script™ in 2017 and 2018, it is difficult to measure the widespread and long-term effect of the program as of this brief’s publication. Identified short-term impact suggests potential long-term impact but may also be attributed to other preventative efforts by these colleges. Additionally, as Flip the Script™ only targets female students, it does little to address male students’ beliefs and roles in the occurrence of sexual violence as perpetrators or victims themselves. Therefore, a program similar to this but instead tailored for men and potential perpetrators would be beneficial. Moreover, this type of program only benefits female students who are able to attend, and if the training is only offered once, it limits the number of students who can be helped. It would be more effective to incorporate this type of training into new student orientation or a semester-long credited class. The viability of this option may be limited because additional semiannual training costs for facilitators of the program may place additional costs on universities that administrations are not willing to pay.
It can also be argued that Flip the Script™ places all responsibility for preventing sexual assault on women.159 SARECentre acknowledges this, and thus repeatedly emphasizes in its interventions that assault is never the victim's fault. They train their facilitators to confront victim-blaming among students.160 Moreover, SARECentre outwardly recognizes that its program is not the ultimate cure for this issue but believes that it can help empower and protect women until a lasting solution can be found.161
Bystander Intervention Trainings
Bystander intervention university programs can increase awareness of sexual violence as an issue while training students in active intervention. These classes and lectures encourage students to recognize conditions and situations that may lead to violence or sexual assault, such as fraternity parties or areas near dormitories late at night.162 Additionally, students are taught how to effectively intervene in a sexual assault by physically stopping the attack, verbally distracting the assailant, and engaging other bystanders. Bystander intervention trainings emphasize how students can be proactive in ending sexual assault on their campus by acting as allies to their fellow students. One such training is promoted by Green Dot, an organization that teaches students how to actively stop incidents of sexual violence. In partnership with the Department of Justice Office on Violence Against Women (OVW), Green Dot was created to "mobilize [university] communities by harnessing the power of individual actions" in the prevention of sexual assault, domestic violence, and stalking.163 With implementation across campuses worldwide, the Green Dot bystander training teaches people how to interrupt situations that can lead to sexual violence and empowers them through skill-building so that they are confident enough to intervene.164 Their college trainings focus on interactive activities that teach students and faculty to envision a world without sexual violence and how to make it a reality on their campuses.165
Impact
Green Dot has held classes at 798 schools and trained 4,181 instructors. They estimate that their efforts have led to a 21% decrease in violence at the schools they have worked with. An evaluation in 2014 found that violent victimization rates were significantly lower at a university that had implemented the Green Dot intervention compared to 2 campuses that had not, with an overall lower perpetration rate among males.166 In addition, the interpersonal violence victimization rates dropped by 17% after the intervention was implemented. The study concluded that Green Dot may prove to be effective in decreasing violence in university communities and may successfully fulfill requirements for bystander training in the Campus Sexual Violence Elimination Act.
Gaps
Although Green Dot has evidently helped students understand how to intervene in situations of sexual violence, it does not address victims’ needs when sexual violence does occur. Green Dot’s main focus is on preventative action, but if the said action fails, students need to be supported and know what resources are available. It is also worth noting that there is no way to ensure that this interventions specifically led to the reported decrease in sexual violence perpetration because no RCT was conducted. There is no data to certify that participants in this program successfully stopped instances of sexual violence, and the decrease in violent victimization may be due to a myriad of other factors including other student-empowerment projects and university action.
Promoting Positive Masculinity
Hypermasculinity promotes sexually aggressive thinking and behavior that is dangerous to women and can increase the occurrence of sexual assault.167 One practice to address hypermasculinity includes teaching young men about the importance of respecting women and understanding consent. This can be done through mentoring and providing strong role models who teach and display healthy masculinity. One organization, Men Can Stop Rape (MCSR), works to teach men of all ages about healthy masculinity through clubs and mentoring. Their mission statement is: "To mobilize men to use their strength for creating cultures free from violence, especially men's violence against women."168 Their club for male college students is called the Campus Men of Strength (MOST) Club.169 The MOST club aims to teach male students about healthy masculinity and engage them in active prevention of sexual assault to create safer campuses nation-wide.170 MCSR provides resources to help male students understand and then challenge harmful aspects of masculinity like aggression and violence and to develop their own ideas of individual masculinity that reflect their unique experiences. Members of the club apply their knowledge by mentoring other students and acting as role models. MOST chapters also partner with campus women’s groups to promote allyship and positive interaction with female students.171
Impact
In 2007, MCSR was named the winner of the United States Changemaker competition for its efforts to end violence against women. Additionally, in 2005, the CDC recognized MOST as among the top 4 programs working to prevent gender violence.172 An impact case study done with Washburn University indicated that the influence of MCSR made the college more open to engaging male students in the prevention of violence against female students and attracted a range of students across campus, including fraternity members.173 In a 2010 study of 28 high school and middle school MOST clubs, MCSR found that 81.5% of participants realized the potential harm of dominant masculinity, 66.7% felt that they could play a role in reducing violence against women, and 61.1% reported taking action to help their schools and communities eliminate violence against women after completing the program.174 Although this study involved high school and middle school students, not college students, the male students’ greater willingness to stop violence against women following the completion of the MOST program may also be expected in college-aged participants.
Gaps
Although this intervention has successfully engaged male students in learning about healthy masculinity, it only helps those who are willing to attend the club. Men who adhere more closely to hypermasculine norms may not want to change their attitudes or behaviors or to associate with an organization like MCSR. The organization might be able to reach more students if colleges allowed them to present during new student orientation or to create a university course. Additionally, due to the lack of specific statistics or impact data, there is no way to confirm if any decrease in violence or hypermasculine behavior is due to MCSR or if it may be attributed to interventions by other organizations or other factors.
Increasing Campus Safety
Security-based prevention may create a safer environment for students by engaging students and staff as a community. Universities can increase security by training campus police, installing additional surveillance, implementing mass notification systems, funding student-run helplines, and utilizing safe walk mobile applications.175,176 These measures have the potential to increase protection and reduce risk in college communities. Some universities have adopted the mobile application LiveSafe to increase student safety on their campuses.177 LiveSafe claims to be the "leading risk intelligence communications platform" because it allows students to report potential threats to risk managers that can work to prevent incidents of sexual violence from occurring.178 Users can also communicate with their organization’s security team in real time by submitting photos or videos, requesting help, accessing safety information, and initiating SafeWalk, a feature that invites friends and families to watch users walk as "virtual escorts."179 App administrators can use the geofencing tool to quickly locate users within a specific geographic area, which helps to locate those who are in danger and to send help more efficiently.180
Impact
LiveSafe lists almost no impact data on their website, but the little data available in addition to anecdotal evidence illustrates that the app benefits universities and their students. More than 100 universities utilize LiveSafe for their students’ protection, and considering that 96% of college-aged Americans own a smartphone, it can be reasonably assumed that the app is widely accessible to students on these campuses.181,182 In fact, regarding the Virginia Commonwealth University’s implementation of the mobile app, the local chief of police stated: "LiveSafe is a great additional channel of communication and our students love it. Tips are also distributed to all of my supervisors via email simultaneously to being received in dispatch, meaning our people are often on scene even before it's dispatched."183
Gaps
While LiveSafe and other security measures can serve as deterrents to predators, they do not serve to change their behavior or the stigma surrounding sexual violence. LiveSafe has the potential to malfunction at crucial moments and relies upon phone battery charge and reception availability. It also takes time for the app to contact local authorities to respond to the crime. Additionally, while LiveSafe may stop sexual violence from occuring in the moment, it does nothing to teach potential perpetrators and promote healthy masculinity and gender relations. Furthermore, the cost of providing LiveSafe for each student may dissuade some colleges from investing and may suggest capitalist motives for app designers. LiveSafe provides no impact data, output information, or outcomes to evaluate their effectiveness. This is concerning because, besides anecdotal evidence, there is no data to prove this is an effective intervention.
Reforming School Policy
When universities fail to incorporate and expand on federal requirements in their sexual violence policies, they deny students and survivors basic protections and aid, perpetuating sexual violence on their campuses. To combat this negligence, some organizations pair with students to lobby for policy reform and the protection of students’ rights at their universities. These organizations help student activists organize campaigns to increase the clarity of policy surrounding reporting requirements, the dissemination of policy, and community networks.184 An example of this intervention is Know Your IX, a survivor and youth-led project by the nonprofit organization Advocates for Youth that empowers students to end sexual violence on their campuses.185,186 Know Your IX provides online resources for university students to learn about their right to safe education under Title IX and other federal laws. The project provides step-by-step instructions for students to identify campus issues and to then hold their universities accountable. By providing "toolkits" for letter-writing, petitioning, leveraging media, and protesting, the project encourages students to become advocates for change and to challenge university responses and policies that fail to meet suggested and mandatory legal requirements.187 Know Your IX hopes for large systemic reform regarding transparency, prevention, response, and support by organizing young student activists for policy change on campus, state, and federal levels.188,189
Impact
Know Your IX has had evident success in demanding greater protection and transparency, even testifying before the US Senate 5 times about their work to end sexual violence. Due in part to their efforts, in 2014, the Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights published a list of colleges currently under investigation for sexual violence Title IX offenses. This unprecedented act of transparency was a victory that pressured universities to report sexual assault and secure greater protection for students, including mandatory reimbursement for tuition and other expenses following Title IX violations.190 In one year, the number of institutions under investigation tripled, extending from 55 to 150. The platform of the 2014 White House Task Force on Campus Sexual Assault mirrored many of the demands of the organization and was listed as a key resource for survivors on their website "Not Alone." Besides these accomplishments, Know Your IX lists no other impact data, outputs, or outcomes, especially in regard to their work with student activism.
Gaps
Although Know Your IX works to empower students in campus activism, their organization does not provide data to demonstrate its effectiveness. Know Your IX lists many federal victories that parallel their efforts and goals, but there is no research or data demonstrating a direct line of causation from their interventions to these victories.191 The work of other organizations, influence from university administration, or student and media pressure could have been just as instrumental in bringing about those changes. Know Your IX also provides no impact data on how their student groups have helped to influence campus policy.
Offering Resources to Sexual Assault Victims
Many organizations have recognized the myriad of physical, mental, and emotional consequences victims experience following sexual assault and work to provide necessary help. These organizations make sure victims have access to critical resources for immediate response and long-term care, including rape kits, therapy, and legal action. One such organization is End Rape on Campus (EROC), which aims "to end campus sexual violence through direct support for survivors and their communities," along with efforts to increase education and legal action at universities. EROC provides a secure link and phone number for survivors to directly communicate with their staff and connect with support networks. The organization makes sure that survivors are able to locate their campus Title IX coordinator, receive mental health care, and pursue legal action if desired.192 In addition, EROC provides resources for secondary survivors—families and friends—to appropriately address survivors’ needs and build support networks with other victims. They believe an important way to support survivors is to empower their communities.193
Another organization that prioritizes direct aid to survivors is Callisto. Similar to EROC, Callisto aims to transform the reporting process by focusing on the survivors’ needs, connecting survivors with lawyers, and helping students understand their range of options for legal action.194 Callisto overcomes barriers to reporting sexual assault with their online platform, which allows for easy and safe reporting. Unlike EROC, Options Counselors (lawyers) working for Callisto use encrypted data entered by survivors to identify repeat perpetrators and connect their victims for legal action while maintaining privacy.195 As of 2018, Callisto aided 149,000 students on 13 campuses.196
Impact
EROC provides no impact data on its website, but the organization has worked to illustrate the breadth of its work by tracing US university inadequacies on a virtual map. Their "Campus Accountability Map" allows users to compare the number of sexual assault investigations, prevention efforts, and availability of victim resources at universities.197 While this is no replacement for impact data, it does suggest that EROC’s efforts are widespread and help hold schools accountable.
Callisto also lists a range of outputs that imply significant effectiveness in helping survivors of sexual violence. Callisto has reported significant improvements in survivor reporting and legal response for victims, even stating that 10% of the 162,000 cases processed since 2015 had matched with other records in legal action. Moreover, 15% of cases evaluated in the 2017–2018 school year alone had also been matched, suggesting a growing database and team. Survivors who accessed the Callisto website were 6 times more likely to report their assault to their university or the police than those who did not access the website, which may be attributed to Callisto’s efforts to maintain privacy and to support victims. Callisto was named a 2018 Skoll awardee and planned to expand their impact in 2019.198
Gaps
EROC provides no data on the effectiveness of their chosen practices. This lack of data may suggest an emphasis on confidentiality or may lead to reservations regarding the organization’s true impact.
The data reported by Callisto is substantial but may be limited by other factors. Universities and other organizations may influence a survivor’s willingness to report and seek legal action in addition to Callisto’s services. Moreover, Callisto does not indicate whether an increase in matched cases has had measurable impact. While it is understood that matching cases may have considerable legal force, Callisto provides no evidence of any legal success.
Preferred Citation: Wolters, Lauren and Macy Smith. “Sexual Violence against Female College Students in the United States.” Ballard Brief. September 2020. www.ballardbrief.org.
Viewpoints published by Ballard Brief are not necessarily endorsed by BYU or The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints
