Violence Against Muslims in India

Oct 16

By Janai Wright
Published Fall 2024
*Special thanks to Susan May Watts for editing and research contributions.*

Summary+

Violence against Muslims in India is an issue rooted in historical tensions and political ideologies. This violence encompasses various forms, including communal riots, targeted attacks, and spontaneous assaults. Historical factors dating back to the Partition of British India in 1947 with unresolved territorial disputes, have contributed to ongoing hostilities. Hindu nationalism, propagated by groups like the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has exacerbated religious divisions, with policies and rhetoric marginalizing Muslims and promoting a Hindu majoritarian agenda. The failure of law enforcement and justice systems to address violence against Muslims further creates social insecurity. Consequently, Muslims in India face economic and social exclusion, loss of life and injury, and destruction of property. Therefore, best practices include implementing comprehensive measures to address religion and political ideologies. Initiatives such as peace education programs are important in creating understanding among diverse communities.

Key Takeaways+
Constituting 14% of India's populace, Muslims are the largest religious minority, with around 200 million individuals.1
Anti-Muslim hate speechOffensive discourse targeting a group or an individual based on inherent characteristics (such as race, religion, or gender) that may threaten social peace.10 rose by 62% in the second half of 2023, averaging almost one incident per day, according to Washington-based research.2
Hindu nationalism cultivates exclusion, with surveys showing that 64% of Hindus believe being Hindu is crucial for Indian identity.3
Ninety percent of religion-based hate crimes between 2009 and 2019 occurred after the BJP party took power in 2014, with hate speech increasing nearly 500% from 2014 to 2018.4 BJP-led states witness 80% of hate speech gatherings targeting Muslims, with communal violenceNon-state armed conflicts fought between two or more social groups.9 claiming over 10,000 lives since 1950.5 Cow protection mobs, predominantly in BJP-governed states, caused at least 44 deaths and 280 injuries between 2015 and 2018.6
Recent violence, like the 2023 Nuh clashes, led to 7 deaths and over 70 injuries, highlighting ongoing tensions.7 Seventy-nine percent of Indian Muslims fear further violence and government persecution, hindering their economic and social participation.8
India's situation stands out globally due to its significant Muslim population and the severity of violence, prompting attention from organizations like the UN and the Organization of Islamic Cooperation.

Key Terms+

Communal Violence—Non-state armed conflicts fought between two or more social groups.⁹

Hate Speech—Offensive discourse targeting a group or an individual based on inherent characteristics (such as race, religion, or gender) that may threaten social peace.¹⁰

Hegemony—Dominance of one group over another, often through legitimizing the dominant group’s norms and ideas.¹¹

Majoritarianism—A traditional political philosophy that asserts that a majority (sometimes categorized by religion, language, social class, or some other identifying factor) of the population is entitled to a certain degree of primacy in society and has the right to make decisions that affect society.¹²

Plebiscite—The direct vote of all the members of an electorate on an important public question such as a change in the constitution.¹³

Saffronization—A process named after the color saffron that adorns Hindu nationalist symbols that involves imagining India as a Hindu nation, both by reconstructing an imaginary past defined by Hindu unity and by refashioning political institutions to reflect majoritarian ideals.¹⁴

Context

Q: Who are India’s Muslims?

Person with cane walking in front of mural — Photo by Clem Onojeghuo

A: Islam was introduced to India through Arab invasions of Sind in CE 712 and subsequent invasions in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, firmly establishing itself during the Mughal Empire in the sixteenth century.¹⁵ The majority of India's Muslim population descends from indigenous peoples, mainly lower castes who converted to Islam to escape persecution by caste Hindus.¹⁶

Currently, India is characterized by its religious, ethnic, and linguistic diversity and hosts a significant Muslim population, constituting approximately 14% of the total populace, making them the largest religious minority group in India.¹⁷ However, the Hindu majority comprises about 80% of the population.¹⁸ The predominant sect among Indian Muslims is Sunni Islam (55%), while 6% of Indian Muslims identify as Shia.¹⁹ Still, roughly a third of Indian Muslims say either that they have no sect (14%) or they do not know their Muslim sect (22%).²⁰ Previous Pew Research Center surveys have found that substantial shares of Muslims in many countries do not provide a specific sect identity.²¹

India's Muslim communities are multifaceted, featuring variations in caste, ethnicity, language, and levels of political and economic influence.²² Apart from Kashmir, in which Muslims constitute a majority, Muslims are a minority throughout India.²³ In other regions, they are concentrated in specific areas.²⁴ The highest concentrations are observed in the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, West Bengal, and Kerala.²⁵ In northern India, Urdu is predominantly spoken by Muslim communities, although it is not recognized as an official language of India due to the absence of a distinct majority population in any area besides Kashmir.²⁶

Q: What is religious violence, and what does it look like for India’s Muslims?

A: Religious violence generally refers to harmful acts motivated by or in response to religious identity or beliefs.²⁷ In public discourse, these harmful acts include government force, mob violence, property damage, and use or threat of violence to impose religious norms by non-state actors, or negative impact on religious sites, individuals, objects, or events.²⁸

Both religion and violence are terms that are heavily disputed, as they can have sociological, psychological, and cultural significance beyond the obvious meaning.^29,30 The term violence may encompass a range of acts, including physical force intended to hurt or kill someone, the enforcement of personal liberties, and aggressive verbal expressions.^31,32 Additionally, the term religion likewise as a social abstraction encompasses a range of elements that generally includes narratives, beliefs, and sacred spaces and practices, among other things.³³ The link between religious beliefs and behavior is challenging to define, as research indicates that religious ideas are as fragmented and context-dependent.³⁴ For example, Hindu practice and belief is notably different in India than it is in the United States.³⁵ Moreover, violence is frequently driven by ideological factors, and religion is one among various social and political influences, the relationship between which is a difficult sociological and philosophical task.³⁶ For the purposes of this brief, we will define violence against Muslims in India in terms of acts of physical force that cause or are intended to cause harm, distinguished from aggression, a more general type of hostile behavior that may be physical, verbal, or passive in nature (though aggressive acts have a place in the conversation about violence).³⁷ Religious violence has taken various forms throughout Indian history, often with severe consequences.

Q: What are different types of religious violence?

A: Religious violence in India has included a spectrum of behaviors and events, but especially has manifested as communal riots, demolitions, mob violence, and lynching. Communal riots have resulted in widespread loss of lives and property.³⁸ In addition to organized communal violence, targeted and planned attacks on religious minority communities have occurred. These attacks include incidents like the 1992 Babri Masjid demolition, a controversial event where a mosque was destroyed by Hindu nationalists followed by riots, which led to significant loss of life and communal polarization.³⁸

Spontaneous assaults on individuals based on religious identity are also common. Instances of mob violence and lynching are particularly fueled by rumors of cow slaughter or interfaith relationships.^40,41 One report given by Human Rights Watch delineates how members of the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) utilize communal rhetoric to incite a violent vigilante campaign against the consumption of beef and individuals involved in the cattle trade.⁴² Cows are sacred in the Hindu tradition, so calls for the protection of cows initially served as a tactic to garner Hindu votes, but they have since evolved into a license for mobs to violently assault and even kill members of minority groups.⁴³ These assaults have instilled a pervasive sense of fear and insecurity within religious minority communities.⁴⁴ The lynching of Mohammad Akhlaq by Hindu villagers in 2015 over allegations of consuming beef and the killing of Pehlu Khan in 2017 while transporting cattle are stark examples of this trend.^45,46

Interfaith relationships have also been a cause for mob violence, particularly for those accused of "love jihad," leading to deaths and arrests of Muslims.⁴⁷ Hindu nationalists propagate unfounded narratives about "love jihad," falsely accusing Muslims of systematically converting Hindu women to Islam, contributing to communal tensions and violence.⁴⁸ Laws against "love jihad" disproportionately target Muslims and reinforce social taboos against interfaith marriage, leading to arrests, harassment, and social ostracization of couples. Out of the 17 cases filed under the anti-conversion law, 14 were related to relationships between Hindu women and Muslim men within the first year after the establishment of anti-conversion laws in 2020.⁴⁹ Vigilantes employ violence, emotional blackmail, and manipulation to intimidate and coerce Hindu women into leaving their Muslim partners, often with the complicity of their families.⁵⁰

Q: Who does religious violence affect in India?

A: The US Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIR) reported that Christians, Muslims, and Sikhs are the minority religious communities most affected by religious violence but also identify Buddhists, Jains, Baha’is, Jews, and Zoroastrians as other minority groups affected.⁵¹

The USCIR in their 2023 report also recommended India for designation as a Country of Particular Concern (CPCs) in persecuting religious minorities, the same as that of Iraq and Egypt.⁵² CPCs are countries where the government engages in or tolerates “particularly severe” violations of religious freedom, specifically meaning systematic, ongoing, and egregious violations which includes torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment; prolonged detention without charges; causing the disappearance of persons by the abduction or clandestine detention of those persons; or other flagrant denial of the right to life, liberty, or the security of persons.” For India specifically, the violation of religious freedom has meant the “harassment, intimidation, and violence largely at the hands of members of Hindu nationalist groups,” tacitly government support of non-state actors by means of religiously divisive language that inflames these groups against minority religious groups, and national and state government implemented laws that restrict religious conversion from Hinduism and cow slaughter (approximately one-third of state governments enforce anti-conversion or anti-cattle slaughter laws against non-Hindus).^53,54 In a report from 2018, the USCIRF accused Hindu nationalist groups of attempting to saffronize India by employing violence, intimidation, and harassment against non-Hindus.⁵⁵

As mentioned earlier, Muslims constitute the largest minority group in India, comprising 14% of the population, followed by Christians at 2.3%, Sikhs at 1.7%, and various other groups collectively comprising less than 1%.⁵⁶ With approximately 200 million Muslims, India harbors one of the world's largest Muslim populations.⁵⁷ Despite their significant presence, Muslims continue to face disproportionate targeting, rendering them one of the most vulnerable religious minorities in India. Anti-Muslim hate speech in India rose by 62% in the second half of 2023 compared to the first six months of the year, a Washington-based research group reported in 2024, adding the Israel-Gaza war played a key role in the last three months. India Hate Lab documented 668 hate speech events targeting Muslims in 2023, 36% of which included direct calls for violence.⁵⁸ This frequency of Hindu nationalist groups and actors engaging in hate speech, averaging almost two events per day, underscores the prevalence of anti-Muslim sentiment and the urgent need for effective measures to combat religious discrimination and violence targeting minority communities in India.

Religious group prevalence in India pie chart

Q: When did violence against Muslims begin?

A: Violence against Muslims in India has deep historical roots, and its origins can be traced back to the late 12th century, during which time Hindus held resentment toward the Islamic conquest of India and the Muslim Mogul masters.⁵⁹ These tensions transformed during the British colonial period, also called pre-independence times spanning between 1857 and 1957, because of divisive policies established by the colonial government during the period of British rule.⁶⁰ Some historians argue that the British strategy of 'divide and rule' amplified religious divisions to maintain their imperial control.⁶¹ Others will go so far as to say that the very identities of Hindus and Muslims in the region were shaped by British influence, leading to the long-lasting conflict.⁶²

While these tensions existed before India was a part of the British empire and grew during the time of its rule, the impetus of violence against Muslims was during Partition in 1947.⁶³ The British found themselves economically devastated by World War II and unable to support their empire.⁶⁴ Thus, Britain began the process of withdrawing from the Indian subcontinent, during which time the Indian National Congress advocated for independence and the All-India Muslim League demanded a separate nation for Muslims.⁶⁵ A judge decided the borders for a Hindu-majority India and a Muslim-majority Pakistan.⁶⁶ The hasty Partition sparked widespread violence and mass migrations, which included riots, fires, and mass murders on the streets.⁶⁷ There are survivor records of blood-soaked trains carrying refugees from between the newly independent countries of Pakistan and India, towns burned to the ground, and bodies thrown in the streets.⁶⁸ Historians estimate that between 200,000 and 2 million people were killed. The communal violence, marked by atrocities on both Hindus and Muslims, resulted in a tragic and turbulent separation that set the stage for ongoing hostilities.⁷⁰ It is unclear, however, the cause for the intense communal violence during the Partition, and some scholars will point to the divisive policies created by the British.⁷¹

Directly following the Partition was the post-independence conflict between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region, which became a focal point of violence against Muslims. The complex and unresolved territorial dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir has led to sporadic outbreaks of violence, with both sides accusing the other of human rights abuses.^72,73 Although the United Nations and Pakistan call for a plebiscite to determine the status of Kashmir, India continually rejects a plebiscite. This refusal contributes to a sense of disenchantment among the Muslim population in the region because it undermines their aspirations for self-determination, leading to heightened grievances and discontentment with the political process.⁷⁴

Since the Partition of 1947 and the conflicts following, there has been a deep-rooted distrust between Pakistan and India.⁷⁵ Moreover, Partition itself was intended to create geographic divisions between Hindus and Muslims, so we see patterns of distrust and hatred for Pakistan projected onto Indian Muslims. Extremists perpetuate the belief that Indian Muslims, especially since Partition, are aligned with Pakistan and potentially radicalized. As one very public example, in a speech by the VHP general secretary, a notable Hindu nationalist said the region was “Hindu land” and referred to Muslims variously as Pakistani spies.⁷⁶ The long history of conflict between Muslims and Hindus, tracing back to the Islamic conquest of India, Partition violence, and subsequent territorial conflict all contribute to the ongoing violence against Muslims in India.

Q: Where is violence against Muslims happening?

A: Violence against Muslims has been reported in several parts of the world. The United Nations (UN) has declared Islamophobia a global epidemic.⁷⁷ However, the level of severity varies from country to country. In Myanmar, the Rohingya Muslim minority has faced severe persecution, leading to widespread displacement and refugee crises, with documented instances of human rights abuses.⁷⁸ Allegations of mass detentions, religious suppression, and human rights abuses have been made against the Chinese government concerning the Uighur Muslim minority in Xinjiang.⁷⁹ The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has also seen periods of violence affecting Muslim populations, notably in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank.⁸⁰ In the Central African Republic, sectarian violence between Christian and Muslim communities has led to displacement and human rights abuses, including violence against Muslims.⁸¹ The conflicts in Syria and Iraq have resulted in violence against various religious and ethnic groups, including Muslims.^82,83

India is home to the largest Muslim population that exists as a religious minority. The largest Muslim population resides in Pakistan, with 240.8 million Muslims making up 96% of the population.⁸⁴ Indonesia houses the second largest population of 236 million Muslims, making up 84% of its population. Although India has 200 million Muslims, the fact that they only make up 14% of the population means that India has the largest Muslim population facing systematic religious violence in the world. ⁸⁵

Religious violence and discrimination against Muslims in India have drawn the attention of outside organizations and Muslim-majority countries who have complained against India. The UN Human Rights office said certain policies passed in the last decade, such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, as “fundamentally discriminatory.”⁸⁶ Iran, Kuwait, and Qatar were among the Muslim-majority countries that lodged formal complaints against India in 2022 over public officials’ Islamaphobic remarks.⁸⁷ The Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), a group of 57 member states, called on India to curb the “growing spate of hatred and defamation of Islam” and “systematic practices against Indian Muslims.”⁸⁸

Contributing Factors

Hindu Nationalism

Hindu nationalism was first articulated in the 1920s by author and politician V. D. Savarkar in his book Hindutva: Who Is a Hindu? Hindu nationalists hold that Hindus are the “true sons of Indian soil,” because their holy lands are in India, whereas the Christian and Muslim holy lands are outside it.^89,90 This belief is the foundation of a political ideology called Hindutva, encompassing the cultural justification of Hindu nationalism and the belief in establishing Hindu hegemony within India.⁹¹ This ideology causes religious violence by cultivating a sense of exclusivity and superiority among Hindu nationalists, leading to discrimination and hostility towards religious minorities perceived as outsiders. Unlike nationalism, which is based on the premise that the individual’s loyalty and devotion to the nation-state surpasses other individual or group interests, Hindu nationalism is inextricably linked to the proposition that this loyalty to the nation-state of India entails Hindu religious affiliation.⁹²

Indian flag waving in the wind — *Photo by Naveed Ahmed*

One survey found that a majority of Hindus tend to see their religious identity and Indian national identity as closely intertwined, with nearly two-thirds (64%) saying it is “very important to be Hindu to be ‘truly’ Indian.”⁹³ Of those who share that view, 80% also said it is equally important to speak Hindi—one of India’s two official languages, but just 1 of 22 constitutionally recognized languages—to be authentically Indian. Another report issued by India’s Ministry of Human Resource Development found that the training for teachers in one major school foundation, Ekal, was “mainly to spread communal disharmony in the communities and also to inculcate a fundamentalist political ideology…creating enmity amongst communities on the basis of religion.”⁹⁴

Hindu nationalists justify violence by citing India's historical subjugation by Muslims. The creation of Pakistan as an Islamic Republic has posed severe problems to Indian Muslims. While the partition reduced the percentage of Muslims in India (at the time) from 25% to 10%, the aftermath resulted in Hindu nationalists portraying Muslims as anti-national and traitors.⁹⁵ They believe that Indian Muslims, especially since Partition, are aligned with Pakistan and potentially radicalized. As one very public example, in a speech by the VHP general secretary, a notable Hindu nationalist said the region was “Hindu land” and referred to Muslims variously as “cow slaughterers,” “Hindu murderers,” “Bangladeshi intruders,” and Pakistani spies.⁹⁶ Thus, the intertwining of religious and national identities in Hindu nationalism not only encourages exclusionary attitudes towards religious minorities but also serves as a justification for violence, perpetuating historical grievances and deepening divisions within Indian society.

BJP Political Party

Another major factor for the rising tide of violence against Muslims in India is the proliferation of Hindu nationalist parties. There has been an increase in anti-Muslim sentiments during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's tenure and under the governance of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which has embraced a Hindu nationalist agenda since coming into power in 2014.⁹⁷ The BJP party's Hindutva ideology, centered around the establishment of a strong Hindu state, envisions a society where individuals of other religious traditions are tolerated but are relegated to second-class status.⁹⁸ They generally champion policies intended to make India a Hindu state, in which the Hindu population is entitled to a certain degree of primacy in society and has the right to make decisions that affect the society.⁹⁹ Many Hindu nationalists, then, see Indian Muslims as suspect foreigners, despite the fact that most are descendants of Hindus who converted to Islam.¹⁰⁰

Following Modi's reelection in 2019, the government has implemented contentious policies that disregard the rights of Muslims and aim to marginalize millions of them, such as the Citizenship Amendment Act, which allows quicker citizenship for non-Muslim immigrants from nearby countries.¹⁰¹ Additionally, under BJP government legislation, India has 12 states in which anti-conversion legislation has been passed with these three restrictions in common: prohibitions on conversions, notification requirements to the government, and burden-shifting provisions that automatically presume guilt.¹⁰² The law aims to prevent women from converting when they marry outside their faith, particularly keeping Hindu women from marrying Muslim men.¹⁰³ They have also resulted in prison terms and fines for violations, with enhanced penalties for converting minors, women, or individuals from Scheduled Castes or Tribes, or for mass conversions.¹⁰⁴

Violence against Muslims has escalated under Modi's leadership, prompting protests within India and drawing criticism from the international community.¹⁰⁵ Data cited in the report from an Indian organization that tracks reports of violence found that as many as 90% of religion-based hate crimes between 2009 and 2019 occurred after Mr. Modi took office in 2014.¹⁰⁶ Additionally, there has been a significant surge in explicitly anti-Muslim rhetoric, frequently escalating to hate speech, particularly evident across various social media platforms.¹⁰⁷ According to a survey from NDTV cited by Human Rights Watch, “communally divisive language” in speeches by elected officials shot up nearly 500% between 2014 and 2018, compared with the 5 years before the BJP came to power. Ninety percent of those speeches were from the BJP.¹⁰⁸ There were 255 documented cases of hate speech gatherings targeting Muslims in the first half of 2023, averaging 1 a day, 80% of which took place in states governed by the BJP, which is far higher than in previous years.¹⁰⁹

90% of religion-based hate crimes between 2009 and 2019 occurred after Mr. Modi took office in 2014.

Over the span of several decades, BJP has been linked to numerous Hindu-Muslim riots, numbering in the hundreds, with the most recent one occurring in Delhi in February 2020, resulting in the loss of 54 lives.¹¹⁰ In 2021, Pooja Shakun Pandey, a Hindu nationalist leader urged his followers to “be ready to kill” millions of Indian Muslims, a call that BJP President Modi did not rebuke.¹¹¹ Watchdog groups, including Genocide Watch and Early Warning (a project of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum) caution that signs of genocide have already manifested in India.¹¹²

Neglect of Law Enforcement and Justice Systems

The failure of law enforcement and justice systems to adequately address violence against Muslims in India manifests in several ways. The first is that law enforcement agencies fail to provide adequate protection to Muslim communities facing threats or violence from extremist groups or individuals. A 2019 report released by Common Cause, an India-based non-governmental organization, revealed that 50% of surveyed police officers exhibited biases against Muslims, leading to a reduced likelihood of intervening in crimes targeting this community.¹¹³ This bias results in a sense of insecurity and fear among Muslims, leading to underreporting of incidents and a lack of trust in law enforcement authorities.¹¹⁴

In many cases, perpetrators of violence against Muslims may go unpunished due to political influence, corruption, or bias within the justice system. BJP leaders have embedded prejudices into government agencies and formerly independent institutions, such as the police, institutionalizing impunity and thereby further empowering supporters of the BJP to threaten, harass, and attack religious minorities.¹¹⁵ Recent instances indicate that courts and governmental entities continue to overturn convictions or drop cases implicating Hindus in attacks against Muslims.¹¹⁶ These cases include the acquittal of Maya Kodnani, a senior BJP member, and her co-accused in the 2002 Gujarat riots case, where 97 people were killed.¹¹⁷ The prosecution's lack of effort was evident. This decision has upset Muslim victims seeking justice. Additionally, in the same month, those accused in the 2007 Mecca Masjid blast, resulting in 9 deaths, were also acquitted.¹¹⁸

In cases against activists, of the 1,153 people against whom rioting charges have been filed in court, 571 are Hindu and 582 Muslim, which is disproportionate to the population percentages of each group (Hindus constitute 79.8% of the population; Muslims, 14.2%; Christians, 2.3%; and Sikhs, 1.7%).^119,120 Additionally, the police have focused more on investigating allegations against Muslims and arresting them.¹²¹ Muslim victims of abuses and witnesses said that the police initially turned them away, refusing to file their complaints and that even when police filed the cases based on their accounts, they omitted names of BJP leaders or police officials allegedly complicit in the attacks.¹²²

Consequences

Loss of Life and Injury

The loss of life and injury resulting from violence against Muslims in India is perhaps the most serious consequence. When violence occurs, individuals may suffer injuries, sometimes severe, or even lose their lives. Over 10,000 people have been killed in Hindu-Muslim communal violence since 1950.¹²³

These instances of communal violence in the last couple of decades have included the Gujarat Riots in 2002, during which Hindu mobs in Gujarat raped, looted, and killed in a spasm of violence that persisted for more than two months.¹²⁴ Women were mutilated, children set afire, and fathers hacked to pieces. About 1,000 people, mostly Muslims, were killed. Some 20,000 Muslim homes and businesses and 360 places of worship were destroyed, and roughly 150,000 people were displaced.¹²⁵ Another significant instance of communal violence was the Muzaffarnagar Riots in 2013, which consisted of a series of clashes between Hindus and Muslims leading to over 60 deaths after two Hindu men died in a fight with Muslim men.¹²⁶

Cow Protection Mobs have been significant occasions of death and injuries. These mobs were part of a larger vigilante campaign against beef consumption and those thought linked to it since Hindus consider cows to be sacred. The attacks were led by people who claimed to be affiliated with militant Hindu groups that often have ties to the BJP. Between May 2015 and December 2018 (the first few years following the election of Mr. Modi), at least 44 people, 36 of them Muslims, were killed across 12 Indian states. Over that same period, around 280 people were injured in over 100 different incidents across 20 states.¹²⁷

In the New Delhi Clashes of 2020, violence erupted between Muslims and Hindus during protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act, resulting in around 50 deaths, 38 of whom were Muslims. In terms of the most recent incidents of violence, in August of 2023, seven people died and over 70 were injured in violence in the Nuh region of Haryana. Additionally, in the Haldwani violence incident on February 8, 2024, at least six people were killed, including five Muslims. Over two dozen civilians and more than 100 police personnel were injured in clashes involving mob violence and police firing.¹²⁸

Insecurity in Economic and Social Participation

Insecurity in Muslim communities in India, stemming from violence, encompasses a pervasive sense of fear, vulnerability, and mistrust. This atmosphere of insecurity permeates many aspects of Muslim public life, including clothing, speech, and social and commercial involvement, contributing to psychological distress and strain on familial and social relationships. Muslims often live in constant fear of further attacks, leading to heightened anxiety and stress. One survey found that 79% of India’s Muslims fear not only more violence but also continued government persecution.¹²⁹

In areas where violence occurs, movement is restricted, impacting daily routines and opportunities for economic participation. Muslims have the lowest share of working people, about 33%, among all religious communities in India.¹³⁰ Of this group, as high as 46% are self-employed in urban India, the largest as compared with any other community, according to data from the government’s National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) in 2013.¹³¹ The report adds that Muslims are the poorest among all religious groups in India and are concentrated in low-paying jobs in the informal sector.¹³² The informal sector of the economy consists of activities that have market value but are not formally registered.¹³³ Religious violence often creates or exacerbates these economic disparities, as Muslims, as a marginalized community, face increased barriers to economic advancement due to restricted movement and discrimination.

In addition to the restriction of economic participation, this sense of fear of violence means a loss of social participation as well. For example, Muslims less frequently give each other greetings in Arabic or openly eat halal meat for fear of being identified as Muslims.¹³⁴ There has also been a backlash against women wearing the hijab, who have had their veils removed and destroyed in front of them, and men wearing Khamis, the religious clothing of Muslim men.¹³⁵ In 2022, a school in the state of Karnataka officially banned Muslim girls from wearing the hijab.¹³⁶ The school’s ban, later affirmed by the state government, set off violence that spread to other schools in the state, prompting the government to close down schools for days.¹³⁷ This situation led to students dropping out of school for fear of the repercussions of wearing religious clothing. For instance, a PUCL report states that 1,000 female students had dropped out amid the hijab controversy in Karnataka colleges.¹³⁸ The fear of violence not only restricts economic participation but also erodes social engagement, as evidenced by diminished cultural expressions and discriminatory actions against religious attire, ultimately leading to educational disruptions and dropouts.

Destruction of Property

Property damage is also a significant consequence of violence against Muslims in India. Homes, businesses, and places of worship belonging to Muslim communities have been targeted, leading to destruction and financial loss. Governments led by the BJP have conducted demolitions primarily targeting properties belonging to Muslims after communal riots incited by Hindu extremists in four states.¹³⁹ These properties have included homes in Muslim neighborhoods, mosques, or Muslim-owned businesses. These demolitions occur primarily in states under BJP rule, but they are especially of concern in Muslim-majority areas.

House being demolished with a crane — *Photo by Vincenzo Cassano*

It is a common occurrence, as one example, that local authorities are bulldozing shops and homes in Jahangirpuri, a majority Muslim area.¹⁴⁰ During April and May of 2022 alone, Amnesty International documented 128 demolitions in 5 Indian states between April and May 2022.¹⁴¹ The justification for the demolitions is the claim that the buildings subjected to demolition did not possess the requisite permits or that the buildings are encroaching onto the roads.^142,143 However, the demolitions have disregarded landmark Supreme Court judgments, including those ruling that evictions and demolitions must follow clear rules and procedures, include meaningful consultation, and be consistent with the rights of life and dignity.¹⁴⁴ Various laws and procedures in India mandate that residents or property owners must be given notice and an opportunity to defend themselves before demolitions take place, which was not followed in many cases.¹⁴⁵

Practices

Education

In 2018 and 2019, the United States organized the Ministerial to Advance Freedom of Religion or Belief, which assembled a virtual gathering of nations and civil society activists worldwide. Nations ranging from Bangladesh, Bahrain, to Germany, spoke on the significance of education during the ministerial. Additionally, some delegates referenced the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals, particularly Goal 4, which emphasizes the necessity of providing inclusive and fair education opportunities for all, and Goal 16, which advocates for creating peaceful and inclusive societies with accountable and inclusive institutions at every level. Other global organizations also point to education as crucial for conflict prevention and resolution.¹⁴⁶ A growing agreement identifies that education is a long-term solution to resolve religious violence by promoting human rights, pluralism, and respect for diverse beliefs.¹⁴⁷

Children at school — *Photo by Jaikishan Patel*

In addressing religious violence against Muslims in India specifically, there are several organizations that are working to resolve violence and conflict that also recommend education.¹⁴⁸ Organizations such as the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation (CDR), United Religions Initiative (URI) India, Interfaith Coalition for Peace (ICP), Plural India Foundation, and Gandhi Smriti and Darshan Samiti (GSDS) are a few among many organizations that recommend education as the best practice to help resolve the violence in India.^149,150,151

One significant educational program among these organizations is the Peace Education program initiated by the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation (CDR) in Jammu and Kashmir, two states in India.¹⁵² The initiative was born as a result of a series of dialogues held with women and educationists in Jammu and Kashmir who recognized the impact of violence on children growing up in conflict-affected regions.¹⁵³ CDR collaborated with local educationists to develop a curriculum focused on training school teachers in conflict resolution and peacebuilding tailored to local needs.¹⁵⁴ The program does not seek to directly resolve religious tensions but rather aspires to empower children to alter the course of intergenerational conflict. Young minds are susceptible to hateful ideologies, making education about pluralism essential to counter violence in the long term.¹⁵⁵

The curriculum, comprising five themes including Communication, Differing Viewpoints, Diversity & Discrimination, Understanding Conflict, and Individuals Can Make a Difference, emphasizes constructive conflict resolution strategies and challenges zero-sum notions of conflict.¹⁵⁶ The methodology employed is student-centered, utilizing various teaching methods such as group work, classroom discussions, and role-play to facilitate active learning and engagement.¹⁵⁷ Over a 3-year period from 2004–2006, the program reached 58 schools, trained 114 teachers, and impacted approximately 3420 students in Jammu and Kashmir, illustrating its reach in peace education in conflict-affected regions.¹⁵⁸

Building on this model, educational initiatives across India can integrate peace education into the curriculum and teacher training programs. By empowering educators with the knowledge and skills to create inclusive learning environments and equipping students with the tools to navigate conflict constructively, such initiatives contribute to building a more peaceful Indian society. Through ongoing monitoring and evaluation, these initiatives can adapt strategies and address emerging challenges, ultimately creating a culture of peace and mutual respect in Indian society.

Gaps

While the Peace Education program pioneered by the Centre for Dialogue and Reconciliation (CDR) in Jammu and Kashmir presents a promising initiative to address religious violence in India given the outputs of their program (how many teachers they have hired, students taught, and schools reached), there are no statistics to indicate any measurable impact. Because these programs are being implemented right now in schools, the impact may remain to be seen for a long time. Robust monitoring and evaluation mechanisms are imperative to measure outcomes and identify areas for improvement that are necessary for long-term conflict prevention.

Additionally, its impact may be constrained by limited geographical coverage and scalability, necessitating efforts to expand its reach to other conflict-affected regions across the country.¹⁵⁹ Sustainability remains a concern, with the program potentially reliant on external funding and lacking long-term support from local stakeholders and government bodies. To enhance inclusivity and representation, the curriculum development process should involve diverse community members, including religious leaders, to ensure relevance and effectiveness.

To improve the program, collaboration with governmental and non-governmental organizations can facilitate its expansion beyond Jammu and Kashmir, while ongoing training for educators will enhance their capacity to deliver peace education effectively. Greater community engagement and ownership can be fostered through the establishment of advisory committees or community-based organizations. Advocacy efforts should focus on integrating peace education into formal education systems at the state and national levels, while partnerships with other institutions and organizations can leverage resources and promote coordinated efforts in promoting peace education and conflict resolution initiatives nationwide.

Preferred Citation: Wright, Janai. “Violence Against Muslims in India” Ballard Brief. October 2024. www.ballardbrief.byu.edu.

Viewpoints published by Ballard Brief are not necessarily endorsed by BYU or The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints

Footnotes

India

Janai Wright

Janai is a philosophy major with a minor in history. Her main academic interest centers on interfaith relations and how religious communities can work together to solve social problems. She hopes to carry these interests into her career working at an interfaith organization or in public policy.